A morning walk with the dog, lunch out with my farmer, an afternoon chat and ice cream with friends, time to read a new book . . . It’s been a relaxing and happy Waitangi Day for which I”m grateful.
Some countries do national days with a spirit of unity and cohesion.
Neither of those have been features of Waitangi Days past.
The decisions to by-pass the lower marae at Waitangi this year has also by-passed a lot of the political posturing and protest that have marked, and marred, celebrations before.
The national media focus will be on Waitangi, and maybe Opposition leader, Bill English will get a little attention at the other end of the country.
He’s attending the Ngai Tahu Treaty Festival at Te Rau Aroha Marae in Bluff.
In between there will be various official celebrations in various places and most people, who don’t have to work today, will be doing what they want to do – sailing, swimming, tramping, picnicking, partying, reading . . .
Unity and cohesion have their place but I’m more than happy with a country where for most, celebrating the national day gives us the freedom to do what we want.
The nonsense hits the headlines but friends who have been to Waitangi for the celebrations on Waitangi Day tell me it is a wonderful day of celebration.
In other parts of the country there are celebrations which don’t make the news.
And for all the debate about exactly what the Treaty means, the anniversary of its signing is worth celebrating.
Today I’m grateful that we can celebrate and have the freedom to do so as we please.
Rau rangatira ma e huihui nei,
Nau mai, haere mai ki Waitangi.
Tēnei aku mihi māhana mo te Kawanatanga Nahinara ki a koutou.
Kia ora huihui tatou katoa.
Ladies and Gentlemen.
Today we commemorate 175 years of the Treaty of Waitangi relationship.
It’s a relationship we should all have pride in. And we should all have great confidence that it will continue to strengthen.
Like the first Maori who arrived here many hundreds of years ago, European settlers arrived by sea.
They must have had a sense of adventure. Like the first Maori navigators they braved the often ill-tempered Pacific Ocean to strike out from their homes and make landfall here.
The whalers, the sailors, the men and women who came here to till the land and take their chances – they would have had many reasons for leaving their homes in the Northern Hemisphere. Homes many of them would never see again.
But I bet they were united by a common thread of hope and optimism.
Hope for a better life than the one they had left behind.
And hope for a new society and new opportunities for themselves and their children.
Those who signed the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 began forging the bonds of the special partnership we share today.
Over time, those bonds have been tested.
The spirit of generosity with which Maori entered into this partnership was forgotten or ignored by many over the following decades.
But the Treaty partnership we commemorate today acknowledges the bonds that have underpinned the creation of a special country.
175 years. Just think about what we have achieved in that time. The great scientists, adventurers, sports men and women, pioneers and dreamers who call themselves New Zealanders.
The first person to split the atom, the first women voters, the first conqueror of Everest.
The first Rugby World Cup winners.
The artists, writers, singers and musicians, actors and directors who not only entertain us, but who have also created a body of stories and songs which could have only been made in New Zealand.
And the leaders, Maori and Pakeha alike, who have developed a Treaty partnership which is admired around the world.
That’s a lot to be proud of.
Ladies and Gentlemen.
Waitangi Day is a day to remember and to understand the very many pieces that make up our country’s history. The high points, the low points, the triumphs, the mistakes and the unexpected successes.
And it’s also a day to look beyond the horizon and to our future.
I am sure the Treaty signatories here at Waitangi felt the same.
The missionaries, sailors, traders and Maori – watched over by police on horseback who were sent from Sydney – packed the Treaty grounds on the 5th of February 1840.
They mingled with people hawking cold roasts, pork and bread, and rum-sellers, and the bay was a flotilla of canoes and ships with flags flying.
The delegation of Maori was so large that five tonnes of potatoes and 30 pigs were brought in, so guests were properly fed.
The next day, the 6th, was meant to be a rest day.
But, after coming ashore that morning, Britain’s consul, Captain William Hobson, was surprised to find several hundred Maori wanting to continue discussions.
They met under the marquee, made of stitched-together sailcloth, surrounded by a handful of Europeans.
By the end of the day’s discussion, around 40 Maori leaders had signed the Treaty.
To each of those leaders, Captain Hobson said, “he iwi tahi tatou” – we are one people.
Māori and the British representatives signed the Treaty of Waitangi in good faith.
And the generosity of Maori, and the good faith of both people, has led to the New Zealand we know today, and to the relationship we share.
We have some of the best legacies of Britain: a stable democracy, an elected Parliament, an independent judiciary and a free press.
And we have a culture infused with the customs, knowledge and tikanga of the tangata whenua.
We welcome people from all parts of the world who want to make New Zealand their home, because they want to be part of the nation we have created.
The Treaty is a formal agreement but it must be interpreted over time, and adapt to new situations, through negotiation between the Treaty partners.
Many issues have a long and nuanced history, lived through by many people from all walks of life.
There are still things to work through.
But I am confident that when we celebrate the bicentenary of the Treaty signing in 2040, we will look back to today and be proud of what we have achieved since.
That’s 25 years away.
The last big Treaty commemoration was in 1990 – 25 years ago.
Those 25 years have passed quickly. It seems like too short a time for anything in New Zealand to have changed much at all.
But in 1990 things were different.
New Zealand, for example, was governed under First Past the Post.
The Maori Party didn’t exist.
Now, it’s difficult to imagine Parliament without them.
The Maori Party has brought a rich dimension to this Government since 2008.
It’s one of the reasons why the Crown and Maori have come so far over the past six years.
One area we are working on together is reforming Te Ture Whenua Māori Act. It’s the most significant re-writing of this legislation in more than a century.
How best to develop Maori land, with its multiple owners, has vexed lawmakers for over 100 years.
We recognise that challenge, because it’s central to Maori economic development.
If we can make this land work for Maori, then it will add up to $8 billion to the economy and create at least 4000 new jobs over the next decade.
25 years ago, not one iwi had achieved a Treaty settlement.
That was still five years into the future.
The Crown has now signed 72 deeds of settlement – 46 of those in the past six years.
All willing and able iwi are engaged with the Crown.
Those settled iwi are creating success stories. They see the post-settlement environment as their chance to shape their own destiny.
Settlements may represent a fraction of what was actually lost. But they let iwi move on and make better futures, and create more opportunities, for their people.
New Zealand as a whole is better off for that.
My Treaty Negotiations Minister, Chris Finlayson, is unable to be here today.
But I know if he were here, he would reiterate to you his belief that by 2017, all willing iwi should be settled.
There have been other positive changes since 1990.
Education is one example.
In 1990, just over 3000 Maori school leavers achieved 6th Form Certificate. In 2013, 7500 Maori school leavers achieved NCEA Level 2 or higher. Taken as a proportion of Maori
school leavers, that’s a 20 per cent improvement.
The achievement rate among all school leavers is also rising, but among young Māori that improvement is happening at a faster rate.
Lifting the level of achievement in education among young New Zealanders is important, but it’s especially vital for young Maori who, for too long, have not achieved at the same level as non-Maori.
Yes, there certainly are challenges to educational achievement and we do have a long way to go to eliminate that disparity – but progress is evident.
A better education means equality of opportunity for New Zealanders, regardless of their background.
Time and time again, we see the evidence that success at school means better, higher-paying jobs, a greater standard of living and more opportunities.
Another area is health.
In the early 1990s around 50 per cent of Maori regularly smoked. Today it’s about 32 per cent.
That’s due in no small part to Tariana Turia, who has been passionate in her work to cut smoking rates among Maori.
Now, Maori are living longer – around six more years than in 1990. Immunisation rates among Maori children are up and infant mortality rates have fallen.
So in 25 years, many gains have been made. We can do even better over the next 25 years, too.
It’s all too easy to focus on the negatives at the expense of the many positives.
The Treaty settlement process may not be to everyone’s satisfaction.
But I’m a firm believer in the current process, which is addressing the wrongs done in the past to help Maori build their futures.
And on the world stage, it’s acknowledged as one of the best examples of efforts to address historical grievances.
I also think we’re maturing together, as a nation.
Nowadays, almost every time people sing God Defend New Zealand – at a school, at a sports match or a formal ceremony – we sing it in both Māori and English.
It wasn’t always that way – only in the past 15 years has it become widespread.
New Zealanders just started doing it, because it felt right.
It feels like the right kind of representation of who we are as a nation.
It’s the type of understated change that appears small, but one I think speaks volumes about how we have grown.
So in 25 years’ time, when New Zealand celebrates 200 years of nationhood, there are some changes I’d like to see.
In 2040, every willing and able iwi will be settled.
In 2040, all Maori owned land will be far better utilised, delivering jobs and prosperity, particularly for those in regional areas.
And in 2040, I want to see the disparity in educational achievement eliminated.
For young Maori, this means really digging in to lift achievement.
For the Government, it means ensuring our education system works for all students. It also means developing initiatives to support young people and families in other areas.
Like free doctors’ visits for under-13s.
Like subsidising early childhood education.
And getting our schools, social organisations and law enforcement agencies to work together so children don’t stumble into a life of petty crime or welfare dependency.
Governments can’t make these changes by themselves.
We also need to get alongside families and give them the right support. It’s not just about throwing money at a problem.
Because you can’t buy the dedication of communities who want to rid their streets of drugs and crime.
And you can’t buy the dedication of a mother who is trying to keep her 14-year-old son in school.
When you give families what they actually need, great changes can happen.
Maori children, for example, are now being immunised at nearly double the rate they were in 2007. So I’ve no doubt the willingness – and the ability – to chase success in education is there, with the right support.
So that’s what I would like to see in 2040. There is one more aspect of New Zealand I would like to see changed.
In 2040, I’d like to see a new New Zealand flag raised at the Waitangi Day dawn service.
That’s my personal preference.
The current flag represents the thinking by and about a young country moving from the 1800s to the 1900s. Our role in the world was very different then. Our relationship to the rest of the world has changed over time.
I think, and I believe many New Zealanders feel the same, that the flag captures a colonial and post-colonial era whose time has passed.
During this parliamentary term, New Zealanders will be asked to participate in a two-step referendum process to choose an alternative flag, and decide whether or not that flag should replace the current one.
I believe the time is right for us to create a flag which is distinctly New Zealand’s.
At the same time, I acknowledge there may be many New Zealanders who want to retain the existing flag, and that will be one option.
Regardless of your view, this milestone year in our history is a good time to discuss the flag, formally and respectfully, allowing New Zealanders to have their say.
Maori chose New Zealand’s first flag – known today as the flag of the United Tribes – in 1834, when James Busby, the British Resident, decided chiefs needed to choose a flag that New Zealand’s ships could fly.
Three flags were displayed on short poles at Waitangi, voted on, and the winning one hoisted.
I imagine it was all over in a matter of minutes. The process this time around will be much more considered, but I have every expectation Maori will be closely involved, just as they were in 1834.
If we choose a new flag, it will serve us in times of celebration and remembrance, like Waitangi Day.
On Waitangi Day we remember when our nation-building began, and we celebrate the hope and optimism our forebears must have felt when they oversaw the creation of a new country.
It’s a day when we draw confidence for our future from the sense of our past.
In 175 years, New Zealand has achieved much. In the 25 years since the 150thanniversary of the signing of the Treaty, some of those achievements, like the settlement process itself, have brought about great change.
I am confident the next 25 years will deliver more promises, passion and achievements as we work together to tackle the challenges that will be thrown at us.
Waitangi Day is the anniversary of the first signing to the Treaty of Waitangi.
For some it’s an opportunity to celebrate the-then radical concept of conferring British citizenship, and the rights which came with that, on indigenous people.
For some it’s an opportunity for politicking and protest.
For some it’s a day off and the reason for that isn’t nearly as important as the opportunity for recreation or relaxation.
For some it’s just another day at work albeit, if you’re an employee, with better pay.
It’s New Zealand’s day but it’s not New Zealand Day – at least not yet.
Whether it becomes New Zealand Day in time, though not necessarily in name, is up to us.
Another Waitangi Day approaches and protesters are out again and as usual they’ve got their blinkers on:
While anti-mining protesters are planning a torrid welcome for John Key at Waitangi tomorrow, the Prime Minister was close to receiving the cold shoulder from Te Tii Marae this year, Ngapuhi kaumatua Kingi Taurua says. . .
Mr Taurua today confirmed the decision to allow Mr Key and other politicians to speak this year was only narrowly agreed.
Those opposed to Mr Key speaking believed the Treaty was not being honoured, he told the Herald.
“They only pick pieces of the Treaty when they want to and they don’t consult, they don’t talk to us about it and they just go ahead and make the process, for example the asset sales.”
Not honouring the treaty?
If he’d take off his blinkers and look at what has been achieved he’d no that’s not the reality as Treaty Negotiations Minister Chris Finlayson shows:
Treaty settlements are as much about recognition and healing as they are about recompense. Settlements address our past and invest in a common future.
This work has been my responsibility as Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations since 2008. Good progress has been made to resolve historical grievances in that time.
After three years of steady acceleration, the government has now reached an unprecedented pace in the settlement of historic Treaty claims. This is a result of the government’s goal of reaching full and final settlements in a timely fashion, and a recognition that New Zealanders want to see these historical grievances settled so we can move on – as one country.
Take a look at our progress, as at December 12, 2013, below.
National has admitted it won’t reach its goal of all settlements completed this year, but it has made significant progress and will continue to do so.
It is determined to complete all the settlements so iwi can move from grievance to growth.
Ngai Tahu provides a wonderful example of what can be achieved in economic, social and environmental terms when they get a settlement and turn their attention to more positive endeavours than those the protesters at Waitangi waste their energy on.
I started picking out highlights from the speech by Prime Minister John Key at Waitangi yesterday morning.
There were so many, I decided it was better to copy it all:
E nga Rangatira
E tau nei ki Waitangi
Te hunga mate ki te hunga mate
Te hunga ora ki te hunga ora
Tena tatau katoa
There is no occasion on which the weight of New Zealand’s history is felt in quite the same way as it is here in Waitangi on Waitangi Day.
Anzac Day is also special but it reflects a different part of the New Zealand story. Waitangi Day is unique. It is marked across an emotional spectrum that ranges from great passion among some of those gathered here, to indifference from those Kiwis whose sole interest in the day is encompassed by the weather forecast.
From time to time, governments and others have tried to engender a greater sense of national participation around this day. It would be good to see but I’m not sure that we can or should try to force it. We are not by nature a nation of flag-wavers.
We come together here each year to commemorate the signing of the Treaty and, increasingly, people are using the occasion to look forward rather than back.
Mostly, we have the Treaty settlement process to thank for that. By and large the argument that the settlements are justified, necessary, and both morally and legally the right thing to do, was won long ago.
This Government has kept its promise to increase the pace of those settlements. That has required commitment, judgement and balance from all sides.
The first negotiation began under a National government and National has a very good record of progressing settlements. The latest figures provided to me by the Treaty Negotiations Minister Chris Finlayson show that since the historic claims settlement process began, a total of 59 Deeds of Settlement have been signed between the Crown and iwi.
Of those, 44 were signed by National governments and 33 of them by my government in its first four years in office. That’s a huge advance over the pace that was prevailing when we came in. At that time, it was calculated that if settlements continued at the rate at which they were then occurring – which was 1.6 settlements a year – we’d still be signing them in 2048.
We have given priority to the settlement process because it is in everyone’s interests to get the job done.
Within each of those iwi that has settled, a new generation has been freed from carrying the legacy which has been handed down for, in many cases, more than 100 years.
For them, the energy, time and resources that have previously gone in to seeking redress for past injustices now becomes available for taking advantage of future opportunities.
Nowhere is that potential more obvious than here in the North.
This region has a rich culture, a great climate and beautiful coastlines but unemployment is a challenge and people, particularly young people, need more job opportunities. The Government is putting in a lot of effort, including improving road links with the rest of the country and encouraging exploration for oil, gas and minerals.
However, the biggest stimulus on the horizon will come when Treaty settlements are reached on all the claims here, financially empowering iwi and injecting several hundred million dollars into the local economy.
The Crown is keen to see progress in that regard but first some of the groups involved need to resolve the last remaining difficulties which stand in the way of the final settlements being signed.
Can I encourage them to do so, because investing in growth will make the most difference to improving job prospects in Northland.
Around the country, iwi and hapu are finding out what they can achieve post-settlement and the future for them is exciting.
To assist Maori in reaping the most from their own assets, some of you will be aware that Chris Finlayson has commissioned an expert panel to review Te Ture Whenua Maori Act. Nationally there are about 27,000 blocks of Maori land, covering about 1.42 million hectares. Together, they comprise about 5 per cent of New Zealand’s entire land mass and a higher proportion – about 10-12 per cent – of the North Island.
Legislation which governs these blocks is restrictive and it’s estimated that about 80 per cent of the land is undeveloped or underperforming. If its potential could be unlocked – and if that is what its owners choose – imagine how much more wealth and how many more jobs and opportunities could be generated.
Apart from land, compared with some other countries New Zealand also has an abundant supply of water. It is just one of the natural resources which the Crown has the role and responsibility of managing on behalf of all New Zealanders, for the good of all New Zealanders.
Not all iwi leaders may agree with the Government’s approach on all the issues around resource management and of course those discussions will continue.
But I think we do agree that we all have a responsibility to future generations to use resources sustainably and wisely to help build New Zealand’s wealth now and for future generations.
All in all, iwi authorities have good reasons to feel very optimistic about the changing environment in which they operate.
The Iwi Leaders Group and the Maori Party are part of this constructive mindset. We don’t always agree on everything, but we do have a shared sense of purpose, and we have mutual respect.
In particular, the Maori Party deserves credit for taking on the responsibility that is required to be part of a government. We’ve seen since MMP was first introduced that it’s never easy being a small party in a government arrangement but let me assure you it is far, far more influential than being a small party in Opposition.
In Opposition you make headlines that last for a day; in government you make policies that endure for a generation.
The Maori Party has brought an important dimension to this Government. It is one of the reasons why we have a positive and forward-looking relationship between Iwi and the Crown. I have no doubt that we New Zealanders are better off because of it.
The strength of that relationship has helped in the Treaty settlement process. The advances there mean that some great success stories are emerging from those who see the post-settlement environment as a chance to get on with the exciting, challenging and ultimately satisfying business of running their affairs in their own rohe.
Suddenly, they have a new leverage and a new status. Major players in both the private and public sectors want to form relationships with iwi authorities. Their investment decisions have the potential to create wealth, jobs and opportunity not only for whanau, hapu, iwi and their local communities, but also for other New Zealanders and for the wider economy.
That is exactly how it should be and I’m sure we’re going to see more of it.
But while the outlook for Maori and Maori-Crown relations are mostly positive, there remains a small but vocal few who are sometimes apparently unable or unwilling to see the world through any lens other than that of Maori disadvantage.
They seem from their public demeanour to be permanently aggrieved, and rarely constructive.
Those headline-seekers know they will get much more attention by being flamboyant and negative than they will by being considered and positive.
The problem is that sometimes their diversions – including here at Waitangi – are not only distracting, but they can contribute to putting at risk the public consensus that exists towards the process of settling legitimate Maori grievances.
It is that consensus that also allows us, in government, to be innovative about ideas that, for example, might lift Maori educational achievement and economic participation.
Public goodwill should not be taken for granted.
It needs to be treated with respect. It is short-sighted and counter-productive of activists to use tactics and language which have the effect of eroding public support for initiatives aimed at turning around the very situation that the activists are complaining about.
All of us are aware that there are many Maori who are not doing as well as they could. You can see it in some of our classrooms and in some of our homes. At its worst you see it on some of our streets and certainly in our prisons.
This audience will know that, regardless of ethnicity, young people with higher educational qualifications generally end up with better incomes through their working lives. They also engage more in society, report greater life satisfaction and have better health and a greater sense of security.
There are always exceptions but over and over again, analysis shows that the better your education and qualifications, the higher your standard of living and the better the chances of good outcomes for your children.
The problem is that proportionately fewer Maori than non-Maori achieve that.
And, as the recently-announced Maori economic development plan notes, barriers to education represent a significant cost, not just to individuals, but to their whanau and society as a whole.
In improving achievement levels, the greatest gains stand to be made in our homes where the influence on children plays such a significant part in determining their life outcomes.
Iwi authorities, corporations, philanthropists, businesses, charities and individuals, as well, of course, as school communities themselves, are also supporting different initiatives.
Not-for-profits and universities are also involved in making a difference. This is as it should be because the Government, despite of course being the biggest and most influential agent in delivering education, does not always have all the answers. The problem should be owned by the whole community.
It is not easy to turn around educational and social disadvantage. If it was, and the solutions were up to the government alone, then of course we would already have done whatever it took.
But although this underachievement is large and worrying, it is starting to turn around. More Maori are in tertiary training and there are more Maori who are successful professionals than ever before.
Maori achievement rates for NCEA Level Two or above have gone from just 44 per cent in 2009 to 51 per cent in 2011. That lift is welcome but when you look at the overall achievement rate for Level Two of 74.3 per cent, we can see that for Maori in particular, there is a long way to go.
My Government aims to have 85 per cent of 18-year-olds achieving NCEA Level Two by 2017. To reach that target, we need around 3650 more pupils to pass and that includes around 2420 more Maori. This is one of 10 key results challenges that we have set the public service to achieve within the next five years.
We know what we need to do, our data shows where we need to do it and the point of making this one of the priority targets is to ensure it actually happens.
Turning around the current waste of human potential would do more for Maori and for New Zealand than probably any other single change. We want to see it happen not because the statistics would be more flattering – though of course they would be – but because we want meaningful improvements in people’s lives and especially in the lives of those who face the greatest challenges.
We need a unity of purpose in giving this issue the priority it warrants.
It’s not only about young people. Under-educated kids grow up to become under-educated parents who may be trapped in low-income jobs or have periods of unemployment, which in turn feed the cycle of benefit dependency. We have 220,000 children living in homes where the main income is a benefit.
It doesn’t have to be like this. And of course, for most Maori it’s not. Most Maori, like most non-Maori, are getting along just fine. But among those New Zealanders who don’t do so well, Maori are over-represented. That’s what we want to change.
I am confident that we can and will do it but it requires a combined effort.
I believe that the problems that divide us can become the problems that unite us.
One of my privileges as Prime Minister is to be invited from time to time to look at programmes aimed at helping young people lift their game and expand their view of what’s possible in today’s world.
I visited one such project last October when I went to the United Maori Mission’s hostel which lies within the zone for Auckland Grammar School.
The United Maori Mission has boys from 21 different iwi, along with some Pasifika boys, in its In Zone Project. When the Mission goes out to interview applicants, its director Terrance Wallace says he’s looking for those who are motivated but the deal-breaker in selection is that the boys must be willing to give back to the school and, in time, to the communities they come from.
Terrance becomes the legal caregiver of 50 teenage boys. I can say that some days having one teenage son seems like a trial. But 50!
The hostel is run like a whanau environment and there’s a zero tolerance policy on drugs and alcohol.
Importantly, both Terrance and the school say that there is no lowering of academic standards to accommodate the hostel boys, or any other pupils. Programmes like the In Zone Project are about genuinely improving the boys’ education in order to meet the standards, not about lowering the standards to meet the boys. Ultimately, that would serve no-one’s interests, least of all the pupils.
When I visited, some of the boys spoke about this life-changing opportunity they had. It was moving to listen to them.
One was a boy from South Auckland whose mother had begun to worry about some of the influences on him. She and her husband looked at the cost of private schooling and knew they couldn’t afford it. But she heard about the In Zone Project, checked it out and now her son goes to school at Grammar where he’s thriving.
I met another boy at the hostel from a remote community who was adopted at birth by his neighbours. Like many of the boys at the hostel, he struggled with homesickness when he arrived. Actually, I also know that sometimes parents find the adjustment just as difficult as their sons. Anyway, he persevered and this year he’s back at school, having moved up a class based on his results last year.
These two boys have very different life stories but they also have some things in common. Each of them has people at home who support them and, young as the boys are, they understand the value of education.
They welcome the opportunity to compete and co-operate with other boys who are aiming high, are engaged and are committed to trying to do their best.
Who can ask more of kids than that?
All New Zealand kids have access to high-quality education but some of them require extra support so they can make the most of school, and so that school can make the most of them. That’s the gap that the In Zone Project and the I Have a Dream Charitable Trust and other similar intensive programmes are trying to fill.
So when I think of education, I think of the kids in these programmes but also of all the kids out there who are notgetting this kind of individual attention and support, though all of them of course have the best efforts of their teachers and schools on a daily basis.
Mostly, I think of how great it will be when we do better at realising the human potential that this country has available.
And finally, on this day in particular, I think too of the chiefs who signed the Treaty, including many who were sceptical and reluctant but did so because they saw in a partnership with the Crown, new opportunities for their people.
More than 170 years later, the challenge for Maori and non-Maori is to continue to commit ourselves to achieving that equal opportunity, and to maximising its advantages for the good of individuals, whanau, hapu and iwi and, ultimately, for all New Zealand society.
The Government has certainly made that commitment.